BY GHULAM RASOOL DEHLVI
Editor-in-chief, SufiWiki
Abstract
This article examines the historical, philosophical, and socio-cultural interactions between Buddhist traditions and Islamic mysticism (Sufism). Drawing upon primary sources, including the travel accounts of Xuanzang and Ibn Battuta, as well as classical Sufi texts, it explores how Buddhist meditative practices, ascetic disciplines, and metaphysical ideas influenced the evolution of Sufi thought and ritual. The study also considers socio-religious dynamics—particularly the decline of Buddhism, the resurgence of Brahmanism, and local community responses—that shaped the adoption of Islam in South and Central Asia. Finally, it evaluates the methodological challenges in comparing mystical traditions across religious and linguistic boundaries, highlighting both parallels and points of divergence.
Introduction
Sufism represents the mystical dimension of Islam, emphasizing inward purification, spiritual ecstasy, and direct experience of the Divine. Scholars have debated whether Sufism emerged exclusively from Qur’anic and Prophetic sources or whether it absorbed ideas from other contemplative traditions, such as Christian monasticism, Neoplatonism, and Buddhism. The possibility of Buddhist influence is particularly significant in the context of Central Asia, Khurasan, Persia, and the Indian subcontinent, regions that were historically Buddhist before the Muslim conquests.
Buddhist philosophical concepts—such as the transcendence of ego (anattā), ethical self-discipline (śīla), meditation (dhyāna), and the systematic progression toward enlightenment—bear remarkable structural parallels to Sufi doctrines like fanāʾ (annihilation of the self), maqāmāt (spiritual stations), and dhikr (remembrance of God). Examining these parallels provides insight not only into historical patterns of cross-cultural exchange but also into the formation of Islamic mystical thought in a pluralistic environment.
Long before Muslim scholars began translating Hindu works into Arabic or Persian—and prior to the arrival of Muslim travelers carrying new reports from India—early Muslims already had some awareness of Indian religious concepts. This knowledge filtered in through Persian literature as well as through the lingering presence of Buddhism in certain remote regions of Iran.
Historically, Buddhism had flourished in Balkh, Transoxiana, Khurasan, Turkistan, and Persia, and to some extent even in Iraq, before the advent of Islam. After the Muslim conquest of these regions, Buddhist monks did not immediately cease their preaching. Certain practices were directly absorbed into Islamic culture; for instance, the use of the rosary (tasbih) appears to be inherited from Buddhist devotional customs. Likewise, the Sufi doctrine of fanā (annihilation of the self in God) bears striking resemblance to the Buddhist concept of nirvana. Even the Sufi system of maqāmāt (spiritual stations), comparable to the yogic chakras, reflects an inner journey leading toward spiritual extinction—a paradigm rooted in Buddhist contemplative traditions.
In regions like Balkh and Bukhara, there was a persistent tendency among former Buddhists to revert to earlier patterns of religious thought. Numerous Muslim thinkers—particularly during the Abbasid era—were more or less directly influenced by Buddhist ideas.
Islamic mysticism developed primarily in two geographical centers: ancient Khurasan and Mesopotamia. In both regions, Muslim seekers of spiritual insight came into close contact with Indian mystics. Hiuen Tsang testifies that Khurasan, at the time of the Muslim conquest, was dotted with Buddhist monasteries and Hindu temples. Cities like Mesopotamia, Damascus, and Baghdad served as hubs of intellectual exchange, where Hindu scholars and yogic ascetics debated with Muslim theologians. Consequently, concepts of pantheism and yogic disciplines gradually permeated Sufi circles in the Middle East.
Historical Context: Buddhism and Early Islamic Expansion
Before the translation movement in Baghdad (8th–10th centuries), which rendered Hindu and Buddhist philosophical works into Arabic and Persian, early Muslims had indirect exposure to Indian thought. Persian literature, folklore, and the lingering presence of Buddhist institutions in remote regions of Iran introduced Islamic scholars to Indian and Central Asian spiritual ideas. Xuanzang (Hiun Tsang), the 7th-century Chinese pilgrim, recorded flourishing Buddhist monasteries across Khurasan, Balkh, and Transoxiana, testifying to the cultural vibrancy that predated Muslim conquests. ^1
Following the Arab conquest of Central Asia, many Buddhist monks continued their spiritual activities, coexisting with emerging Muslim communities. In urban centers like Baghdad, Damascus, and Basra, Hindu and Buddhist ascetics engaged in debates with Muslim scholars, facilitating philosophical exchange. These interactions occurred alongside the growth of Sufism, suggesting an environment conducive to intellectual and spiritual cross-fertilization.^2
Doctrinal Parallels
Even before Sufism formally entered India, it had already absorbed essential components of Vedanta—particularly its doctrine of absolute monism. Thus, the Indian concept of Advaita metamorphosed within Islamic thought into wahdat al-wujūd (the Unity of Being). Unfortunately, historians like Tara Chand failed to fully acknowledge the intellectual encounter between medieval Hindu mysticism and Sufism. While scholars such as Tara Chand and Rizvi attempted to highlight Hindu-Buddhist-Muslim synthesis as a tool for national cohesion, their analyses often lacked the depth and linguistic precision required for such sensitive comparisons. Rizvi, for instance, misinterpreted core Islamic terms like "tawḥīd" and "muwahhid," leading to flawed conclusions.
There is no doubt that Sufis played a significant role in the spread of Islam among indigenous populations. However, conversion was far from a simple or uniform phenomenon. Political, social, economic, and religious factors all shaped this. The decline of Buddhism, the resurgence of Brahmanism, and the presence of loosely Hinduized tribes—who retained elements of local Buddhism—created fertile ground for Sufi tolerance and syncretic adaptation. In many cases, Sufi preachers did not demand complete renunciation of earlier traditions; converts were often allowed to retain ancestral rituals or even non-Muslim spouses.
M. A. Rahim argues that many converts emerged from the upper classes of both Hindu and Buddhist communities. What emerged was a complex amalgamation: remnants of decaying Buddhism, popular folk beliefs, and pre-existing Hindu customs combined with Islamic elements.
A vivid example of Buddhist acceptance of Muslims is found in the Niranjaner Rusma of Sunya Purana. Although its exact date and authorship remain uncertain, it suggests that displaced Buddhists, embroiled in conflict with rising Brahmanism, welcomed Muslim newcomers as allies. Ibn Battuta, writing in the 14th century about Ceylon, similarly noted, “The Buddhists show great respect to Muslim dervishes, hosting them in their homes among their wives and children.”
Thus, particularly in regions like Bengal, conversion to Islam was facilitated not merely by political dominance or missionary zeal, but by pre-existing socio-religious tensions—where Buddhist communities perceived Muslims as protectors rather than conquerors.
Ego-Annihilation and Mystical Union
One of the most cited parallels between Buddhism and Sufism is the concept of ego-annihilation. In Buddhism, nirvāṇa represents the cessation of desire and the extinguishing of the self, a state of liberation from the cycle of suffering (saṃsāra). In Sufism, fanāʾ denotes the annihilation of the ego in God, culminating in baqāʾ—subsistence in the Divine presence.^3
Sufi mystics like Bāyazīd Bastāmī and al-Ḥallāj articulated states of ecstatic self-annihilation that resonate with Buddhist accounts of enlightenment. Although the ultimate theological frameworks differ—Sufism anchors union in a personal God, while Buddhism often implies impersonal cessation—the phenomenological similarities are striking. The Qur’an underscores the inward turn as a path to spiritual realization: “And He found you lost and guided [you]. And He found you poor and made [you] self-sufficient” (Qur’an 93:7–8). ^4 This emphasis on inner transformation aligns conceptually with Buddhist meditation and ethical discipline.
Meditative Practices and Ritual Convergences
Sufi ritual practice also shows structural parallels to Buddhist meditation. The tasbīḥ (rosary) used for repetitive invocation of divine names resembles the Buddhist mālā, both serving as mnemonic aids for focused spiritual practice. ^5 Annemarie Schimmel highlights the adoption of such instruments through cultural contact in Persia, noting that repetition of divine names enhances mindfulness and moral rectitude. ^6
Similarly, Sufi dhikr parallels Buddhist dhyāna in its emphasis on sustained attention and contemplative absorption. Mirzā Jan-i-Jānān Mazhar (1699–1781) observed that Hindu devotional repetition resembled Sufi dhikr, suggesting that such practices transcended religious boundaries while adapting to distinct theological contexts. ^7
The concept of spiritual stations (maqāmāt) in Sufism also reflects the structured progression found in yogic systems, including the chakra framework. In both cases, aspirants ascend through successive stages of purification and realization, culminating in ultimate spiritual integration or union. While Islam reframes these stages through Qur’anic and Prophetic language, the procedural and experiential parallels suggest a shared contemplative logic.
Ethics, Compassion, and Asceticism
Buddhist ethical precepts (śīla)—nonviolence, truthfulness, and compassion—found analogues in Sufi codes of conduct. The Prophet Muhammad’s teachings emphasize similar virtues: “The most beloved of people to God on the Day of Judgment are those who are most beneficial to others” (Hadith, al-Mu’jam al-Awsat, 2233). ^8 Sufi literature repeatedly underscores service, humility, and moral vigilance, paralleling Buddhist emphasis on right conduct (samyak-karmānta).
Buddhist monasticism, with its celibacy, communal discipline, and renunciation of worldly attachment, likely influenced the ascetic dimension of early Sufism. Early Sufi orders, particularly in Khurasan and Persia, practiced zuhd—detachment from material possessions—mirroring the ethical rigor of Buddhist monastic life. However, unlike Buddhist monasticism, Sufi asceticism remained integrated with broader Muslim society, allowing for ethical and spiritual engagement in community life.
Socio-Religious Dynamics: Decline of Buddhism and Conversion to Islam
The socio-religious environment played a critical role in shaping early Sufism and the spread of Islam. The decline of Buddhism, the resurgence of Brahmanical authority, and localized syncretic traditions created a fertile context for Islamic proselytization. Buddhist communities, having lost economic and ritual prominence, sometimes viewed Muslim arrivals favorably. The Niranjaner Rusma of Sunya Purāṇa narrates instances of Buddhists allying with Muslims as protectors amidst Hindu-Buddhist conflict.^9
Ibn Battuta, in his 14th-century travels, recorded similar phenomena in Ceylon, noting that Buddhists treated Muslim dervishes with respect, hosting them “among their wives and children.” ^10 Sufi missionaries, emphasizing tolerance, spiritual experience, and social service, facilitated conversions without necessarily imposing a complete rupture from ancestral traditions. These dynamics reveal a complex interplay of social, political, and religious factors.
Critical Perspectives and Methodological Considerations
Despite compelling parallels, several scholars caution against simplistic assertions of Buddhist influence. Tara Chand and S. A. A. Rizvi, for instance, emphasized Hindu-Buddhist-Muslim synthesis but sometimes conflated terminologies or lacked linguistic precision, particularly in interpreting Arabic terms like "tawḥīd" and "muwahḥid." ^11
Comparative studies must carefully differentiate between:
Direct transmission of concepts (e.g., meditation techniques, ritual beads)
Parallel development due to shared human mystical experience
Syncretic reinterpretation within Islamic metaphysical frameworks
Failure to distinguish these can lead to misleading conclusions that either exaggerate or diminish the originality of Sufism.
Conclusion
The historical evidence suggests that Buddhist thought, practice, and institutional structures had a discernible influence on the development of Sufism, particularly in Central Asia and South Asia. Structural parallels—ego-annihilation, meditative discipline, ethical precepts, and ritual repetition—highlight the conceptual affinities between these mystical traditions. Yet Sufism remained grounded in Qur’anic revelation, Prophetic practice, and Islamic legal-ethical norms.
Future research should employ philological analysis, textual comparison, and anthropological methods to further elucidate these interactions, maintaining a careful balance between recognizing historical influence and preserving doctrinal specificity.
Endnotes
Xuanzang, Great Tang Records on the Western Regions, trans. Li Rongxi (Berkeley: Numata Center, 1996), 102–105.
Richard W. Bulliet, Conversion to Islam in the Medieval Period (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1979), 52–55.
Toshihiko Izutsu, Sufism and Taoism: A Comparative Study of Key Philosophical Concepts (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), 210–215.
Qur’an 93:7–8.
Annemarie Schimmel, Mystical Dimensions of Islam (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1975), 178.
Ibid.
Mirzā Jan-i-Jānān Mazhar, Maktūbāt, ed. Muhammad Shahidullah (Delhi: Idara-e-Adabiyat, 1978), Letter 12.
Al-Mu’jam al-Awsat, Hadith 2233.
Sunya Purāṇa, Niranjaner Rusma, ed. Sukumar Sen (Calcutta: Bangiya Sahitya Parishad, 1953), 23–27.
Ibn Battuta, The Travels of Ibn Battuta, trans. H. A. R. Gibb (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1962), 285.
Tara Chand, Influence of Islam on Indian Culture (Allahabad: Indian Press, 1922), 88–93; S. A. A. Rizvi, A History of Sufism in India, Vol. 1 (Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1978), 21–23.
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